|
Mony thanks tae Dr. Dauvit Horsbroch
for leave tae host the follaein airticle. First setten
furth in:
Scottish Language, Association for Scottish Literary
Studies 1999, Nummer 18, pp.1-16. ISSN 0264-0198
© Dr. Dauvit Horsbroch
NOSTRA VULGARI LINGUA:
SCOTS AS A EUROPEAN LANGUAGE 1500 - 1700
By Dr. Dauvit Horsbroch
It is often assumed today (both in and outwith academic circles)
that the Scots language has never been used for 'serious'
matters. This is because most of us are never taught the history
and development of the language. It will, therefore, come
as a surprise to some to learn that the Scots language was
once recognised in many quarters of Europe as the medium of
diplomacy and trade. The reason for this, quite simply, was
the de facto position of Scots as the language of state.
This article is intended as a survey of the evidence which
I have found relating to the status and use of the Scots language
beyond the borders of Scotland. The dictates of space (and
the need for further detailed research) mean that this is
intended only as a general survey to whet the appetite. I
hope my example will encourage others to look more deeply
into this aspect of the language.1
1. THE BRITISH ISLES
England
It is not my intention here to repeat the many articles which
have already covered English perceptions of Scots but to draw
attention to some interesting records which throw more light
on the subject. (See Bibliography) Throughout this period
Scots was the language of state in Scotland. Since 1494 the
language of the Lowlands had been known variously as Inglis
or Scottis. Scotsmen and Englishmen thought of their
languages as variously different dialects of a common language
or as different languages depending on the social and political
views of the individual. The common misconception today is
in thinking that the people of this period considered the
language of England to be the standard and Scots the variant.
King Philip and queen Mary of England addressed a letter dated
5 December 1556 to Mary of Guise queen dowager and regent
of Scotland.
"Rycht excellent, rycht, heich and mychtie
princesse our dearest suster and allia We recommend ws hairtlie
unto yow, and quhair of laitt within these four or fyve yeiris
certane of the subjectis of this our realme have with our
gude licence usit trafficque into partis of Muscovia aboute
the feate of mercheandice..."
This letter, written in Scots, concerns a Russian embassy to
England which was apparently wrecked in the see off Scotland
It is dated at the 'manour of Sainct James' and shows traces
of English vocabulary (frome rather than fra,
forasmuch rather than forsameikle) which suggests
that either it was an English secretary writing in Scots to
the Scottish court but retaining some English forms or the letter
was translated from English (or another language) into Scots
for the Queen Regent, even although her native language was
French. At face value the first supposition would seem correct
and represents the use of Scots as an accepted medium of communication
from the English to the Scottish court. (Cameron:
1931: 30-32.) As the volumes of surviving state correspondence
show (such as the Calendar of Scottish Papers, Boyd ed.
1936 ), it was usual to write from England to Scotland in the
language of the English court. From Scotland to England Scots
was normal. Perhaps Philip and Mary were being particularly
diplomatic in using Scots as the medium in which they asked
for Marie's help? On the other hand, they could have written
in French. However, Marie represented the power of the Guises
in France (with whom Spain and England were at war in this period)
and the use of Scots may not only have been a diplomatic nicety
but also a neutral choice.
The following letter of king James VI to Elizabeth I of England
(February 15 1590/1) is given here as a good example of diplomatic
correspondence written in Scots and delivered to the English
court:
" Richt excellent, richt heich and mychtie princesse,
oure dearest suster and cousine, in oure heartyest maner we
recommend ws unto zow, thanking zow richt heartyle for the
gude furtherance quhilk oure distressed subject Archibald
Johnnstoun, burges of oure burgh of Edinburgh, hes be zour
speciall favoure and directioun found be the ordoure of zour
Counsale, in the prosecutiown of the heavye spoyle of certane
guidis pertenyng to him and his pertiners, committed twa zeir
syne be Roger Windhame, now inwardit upoun thair sentence
in the Marschall seas...that thairby oure said subject may
reap the benefite and confort of thair sentence quhilk equite
allowis unto him, unfrustrat ony mair be his parties fruictles
and ineffectuall imprisonment, quhilk can be to him na satisfactioun
nor relief."
(Boyd: 1936: 461)
As with Philip and Mary writing to Scotland, James is writing
to England on behalf of one of his subjects asking for Elizabeth's
help. He does not, however, write in English. As I have stated,
it was normal for a king of Scots to write to England in Scots.
However, the Scots connection with Elizabeth I takes on a new
importance when we consider the words of the Italian scholar
Florio, tutor to the earl of Southampton, who wrote in 1578
that Elizabeth I of England spoke eight languages:
" Doth she [Elizabeth I] speak many languages?...Shee
speaketh Greeke, Latine, Italian, French, Spanish, Scottish
[Scozese], Flemish and English; Al these tongues shee speaketh
very wel, and eloquent."
(Florio: 1578:
13)2
There are few references from England as specific as this, in
this whole period, which demonstrate an effort on the part of
the English monarchy to learn and use Scots. Clearly, under
Elizabeth I at least, Scots was recognised explicitly as a diplomatic
language distinct from that used in England. There are also
further confirmations of the distinct status of Scots at a slightly
later period; in A Brief Relation, written by an Englishman
early in 1649/50, it is reported that ' I received also from
Rouen, from my correspondent there, a copie of that letter to
Montrosse, written in a dialect so fully Scottish, that must
argue the secretary no Englishman.' (SHS:1894: 12) In one letter
from an English soldier in Scotland (September 1650) examples
of sayings in Scots and items of Scots vocabulary are given
(ibid.: 134-40). Also extant is An English Translation of
the Scottish Declaration Against James Graham Alias Marquess
of Montrosse ( London 1650). ( Thomson Tracts)
It is worth noting that many Englishmen regarded English and
Scots on an 'equal footing', in that both were regarded as sister
tongues descended from a common source. In 1604 the Englishman
Henry Saville, in presenting a case for political union between
Scotland and England, certainly wrote of the similarity between
English and Scots. What is interesting though is that Saville
did not claim English as the standard, as he might have done,
but emphasised Scots and English were both variants of
Saxon and German. In addition it was Scots which he regarded
as the 'purer' language:
...both nations using the one and almost the same dialect, to
wit the Saxon language. And the Scots and north people of England
speak more incorruptly than the south, which by reason of the
Conquest and greater Commerce with foreign nations, is become
more mingled and degenerate from the ancient tongue, as will
easily appear to him that shall compare the two dialects with
the Germane, mother of them both.
(Galloway and Leveck: 1985:213)
Even into the 18th century and after the political union with
England, some Englishmen recognised a distinct Scots language.
In 1730 Nathan Bailey published the Dictionarium Britannicum:
Or a more Compleat Universal Etymological English Dictionary
than any Extant. It is significant that in the course of
his dissertation Bailey mentions the following 'Languages of
Larger extent'
The Teutonick or German, which is distinguished into two notable
dialects.1. The Danish, Scandian and Gothick; to which the languages
used in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Island do appertain. 2.
The Saxon, from which much of the English and Scotch are derived,
and also the Frizian language, and those languages on the north
of the Elve; which of all the modern German dialects come the
nearest to the ancient German, and in this work are called L.G."
In other words, Saxon, as used by both Bailey and Saville,
was a general name, from which distinct languages descended,
such as English, Scots and Frisian. (Alego: 1993: 226-7)
Ireland
From the mid-16th century we may detect Scots speakers in
Ulster and after 1609 they were organised into a plantation
by James VI. To date Ulster is the only area outwith Scotland
which has maintained a Scots-speaking community. Ironically
though, our earliest example of Scots in Ireland is a letter
by Agnes Campbell, the Gaelic wife of Turlough O'Neil, to
Elizabeth I of England, and addressed from County Tyrone in
1571. The following are extracts
:It will ples your maiestie knaw yat I your maties suitore
Agnes Campbell Lady of Cantire in Scotland hes happynit threw
my chance and potoun to cum heir in Irland in yor maiesties
realm and is marreid uponn Oneill quha is yor maiesties trew
subject ...I am maist desyrous of any erthlie thing that zour
grace will accept and recive my said husband Oneill in zour
hienes service and subiectioun quha is verrie earnestlie bent
thr unto...
(Jones: 1997: 586)
The English administration in Ireland during the 17th century
found some difficulties with the different 'Scottish style'
or way of writing, and because of the Scots-speaking communities
in the north, found it needed to bring in men expert in reading
Scots documents. Grant Simpson explains:
In 1624 it was decided to appoint in Ireland an extra clerk
of the council to assist in dealing with petitions from Scotsmen,
'whose petitions being written in the Scotch hand are either
not read or understood.' It is possible that the barrier consisted
of difficulties with the Scots language as well as problems
of handwriting, but taken at its face value, this statement
records that Scottish hands were indeed unlike English ones.
(Simpson: 1983:16)
Ireland may well be a fruitful source for the use of Scots
and much more research is waiting to be carried out, but these
brief references indicate that the language was certainly
employed in a diplomatic context in Ireland and considered
to belong to a 'style' different from English.
II The Continental Community
So long as Scots continued to use Scots for matters of administration,
diplomacy and trade the language was to enjoy such status
beyond its borders. When foreigners (including of course,
the English) in this period referred to the Scottish
language they were almost invariably talking about the Germanic
language of the Lowlands. During this period the Scots appear
to have had greatest contact as traders, adventurers and settlers
with Scandinavia, north Germany and the Low Countries. One
example from Dundee may illustrate this:
Ye 18 Julij Ao 1581 Cõperit Androw Stryvilling merchand fra
duschte maistr of ane duschte schyp wt tymr fra norroway &
gaiff up hes entriss be ane particklar tyket qlk is delyvrit
to ye dene of gylde in presens of ye bailleis Judicially
(Millar: 1898: 203)
In other words, a Scotsman, captain of a ship trading out
of Germany, had made a trip to Norway to purchase timber and
then delivered these to the port of Dundee in Scotland, thus
completing a triangle of trade criss-crossing the Baltic region.
Beyond trade and 'adventure' Scots migrated to the continent
in search of higher education, and in this respect the Low
Countries and France were the most important destinations.
France
We find an early example of Scots recognised by an educated
Frenchman from a university background. The Scottish philosopher
and lecturer Florence Wilson (or Volusen) taught at Paris
and Carpentras in the early 16th century and is mentioned
by Barthelemy Aneau in Emblems of Alciat (Lyons, 1529)
as speaking Greek, Latin, French, Italian and Escossois, and
whose knowledge of these 'he highly extols'. Wilson was a
native of Elgin, in a Scots and Gaelic-speaking region, but
since that city was Scots-speaking, and we have Scots writings
by Wilson, we can be sure that Escossois means the
Lowland language. (Forbes Leith: 1915: 8)
In the case of the merchants of Nantes against Thomas Kennedy
of Bargany as Admiral Depute of Scotland it is recorded in
the Privy Council Register on 14th November 1561 that the
queen and council '...ordanis baith the parteis to concur
and cause the haill bukis, billis, and charter parteis apprehendit
in the schip libellit to be translatit in Scottis be sum perfyte
man of bayth thair consentis, to the effect that it may be
understand to the Quenis Grace and Lordis foirsaidis...' This
is interesting as a comment on the proceedure involved in
an international case and the increasing use of the vernacular,
rather than Latin, in dealing with such matters, though, admittedly,
this is a relatively minor case and not an instance of Scots
being used in foreign correspondence. (RPC: 1877:189)
During 1617 Henry Erskine, of the family of Mar, was touring
through France for his education and wrote back home from
Saumur on 22 December to John Earl of Mar '...if we had stayed
still in Bourges we could not have lernit the Frence, in respek
of the great number of Scotsmen that is thar for the present,
for we met every day together at our exercise, so that it
was impossible to us not to speake Scotis.' (Paton: 1930:
81) Though not relevant to diplomacy or trade this reference
indicates the large numbers of Scots present in France who
formed distinct groups wherever they went. Perhaps there are
papers in French archives relating to observations made by
Frenchmen and women on the language of their Scottish guests?
During the early 1640s the Scottish Jesuit Gilbert Blackhall
acted as a link between the French government and certain
Scottish Catholics in the North-East. In his published journal
he states ' I did translate out of French into Scots their
Majesties letters because some of those to whom I resolved
to wreat did not understand the French.' (Spalding: 1844:
137. In October 1643 propositions by the French ambassador
to the government of Scotland were recorded as 'The French
Commissioner's propositions to the Counsell of Scotland translated
in Scots in October 1643' (HMC: 1904: 201)
A further reference, if somewhat more lighthearted, comes
from Sir John Lauder who was in France during the 1660s and
endeavouring to learn the language. He said ' Any tymes I
was angry at the Frenchmen, if so be I was familiar wt them,
I fell to and abuse them in Scots, as logerhead, ye are a
sheep, etc. Their was no way I could anger them worse than
to speak in Scots to them.' (Crawford: 1900: 121)
In most of these instances with a French connection, the references
are to Scots speakers having difficulty with French and having
to translate French into Scots. It remains to be seen, however,
whether Scotsmen employed their language for diplomatic contacts
in France itself. What is certain is that Scots was
employed in diplomatic contact further north.
The Low Countries
The evidence from the Low Countries is far more diplomatic
and formal in nature. For example, in a diplomatic paper
by Leonard Voocht and Jan de Warck concerning their
embassy to James VI in 1589, which was presented to
the Meeting of the States-General of the United Netherlands
on 11 August 1590, it was reported that the envoys spoke
with James VI and his court in French and one '...Colonel
Stuart had drawn up a certain writing, first in Scotch,
which was afterwards translated into Latin..' (Ferguson:
1899: 139) This initial recognition of the Scots language
is followed by more direct references. On November 7
1594 the Lord of Brederode and the treasurer Jacob Valck
reported to the States-General concerning another embassy
to James VI during which they heard preaching in Leith
church delivered in Scots which was afterwards explained
to them in French. (Ibid:155) They were also present
at the baptism of prince Henry that year and heard '...
preachings, first in Scotch and afterwards ...in Latin...'
(Ibid:164) It is worth noting that these two were also
on embassy in England immediately after giving them
the chance to hear the differences between Scots and
English.
Perhaps the best evidence for Dutch awareness of Scots
is the book printed in Dutch entitled Den Slach Van
Lepanten Des Coninex Van Schotlant, Iacobi des Sesten
tegenwoordichlick regerende. Van hem eerst beschreben
in Schotsche Dicht, Ende overgeset in Nederlandsche
Dicht (Middelburgh 1593) which is the poem by James
VI on the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571.
(Craigie: 1955: xcvii) There can be no doubt as to the
meaning of Schotsche Dicht. In another version,
In Scotschen dicht beschreven, the translator
says in Address to the Reader:
For as I take it du Bartas himself knew no Scots,
and had to make his translation through another,3
he has now and then not followed closely in the straight
path of the king; which to follow well I have done
my best, as he will be able to judge who understands
the Scottish tongue." (d'welck wel nae te treden ick
miyn beste gadaen hebbe gelijck die moghen oordeelen
die de Schotsche spraeke verstaet).
(Ibid: xcviii-civ)
There are two indirect references from the end of our period
which may be interpreted as references to Scots-speaking.
In the first, which is a Contract with the Staple of Campveer,
in a treaty between Charles II king of Scots and the States
General of the United Netherlands in 1676, of which clause
6 reads:
To the end that the people of the Scotts nation be not frustratt
of the word of God and exercise of the reformed religion in
their own propper languadge, the magistratts of the toun shall
hereby be oblidged to provyde for them a convenient church..
.
(Davidson and Gray: 1909: 430 )
Also "The anxiety of the session in regard to education was
more clearly expressed in 1718, when they "took into consideration
the great loss the children of the Scots nation were in for
one to instruct them to read and write in their own language,
and how that their being bred up only in the Dutch was a hindrance
to the increase of this church in that when they came to years
they were incapable of joyning with us for want of the language."
These two references appear to support the existence, during
the 17th century, of a Scots-speaking community at Campveer,
which, through time, was diminishing through the loss of its
children to Dutch-speaking. (Ibid:.312) There is also direct
evidence that preaching in Scots was accepted in Prussia (see
below).
North Germany and Prussia
Scots were involved in the affairs of Germany from an early
period as traders and mercenaries, and, during the 16th century,
as religious reformers and counter-reformers. Some of the
more noted individuals are worth mentioning here particularly
as they have a linguistic connection.
One such individual who certainly deserves a biography in
his own right is Ninian Winzet (d.1592) who fled Scotland
in 1562 and was made abbot of Ratisbon, Germany in 1577, and
'...he wrote epigrams and occasional verses in his leisure
hours and translated the large Catechism of Canisius, the
Jesuit, into the Scottish vernacular.' (Fischer:1902: 145)
Alexander Alane (known as Alesius),who was a native of Edinburgh,
was forced to flee to Malmö in Sweden because of his reformist
views and was there supported by certain Scottish merchants.
He went on to Wittemberg in the 1530s and befriended Melanchthon
and '...composed his treatise against the prohibition of the
Scottish bishops to read the Bible in the mother tongue...'
which was entitled Epistola Contra Decretum Quoddam Episcoporum
in Scotia. (Ibid: 165-66) John Wedderburn, a Dundee merchant,
fled to Wittemberg 1539-40 and appears to have known Alane,
and in years 1540-42, took as model Geistliche Gesänge,
Psalmen und Lieder (Spiritual Songs, Psalms and Hymns)
for his Scottish version, The Gude and Godlie Ballatis.
(Ibid:172)
The petition of the Scottish merchants to the magistrates
of Danzig in 1597 records as the Scottish interpreter
Michael Kock, presumably for the Scots language and not meaning
simply an interpreter who is Scottish. (Fischer: 1903: 17)
Some of the records of the Scottish merchants in Prussia have
survived, including testamentary papers. These include that
of Robert Porteous (Porcyus) in Krosno, Poland, dated 1661.
In this he states:
I leave to my sister's son, Johan dasson, and to Francis
Gordon and his wife, with the strict instruction to be guided
entirely by my information written in the Scottish language
and signed by two witnesses
(Ibid:108)
This was translated from either German or Polish. In another
will and testament, this time of William Robertson who died
at Danzig in 1670 'It was translated from the 'Scottish into
the German language' by one Robert Mello, a broker and an
interpreter: but this was done with a total disregard of grammar
and idiom, making it difficult at times to arrive at the proper
meaning of the document'. (Ibid: 96)
An important letter from the Elector of Brandenburg and Duke
of Prussia to the Revd Schlemüller in Königsberg (3 April
1668) reveals the existence of preaching in the Scots language
allowed to the Schottländischen Nation in Königsberg
by the Elector '...sie beide das publicum und privatum religionis
exercitium in Schottländischer Sprache einstellen sollen...'
(Ibid: 219)
In both the Netherlands and Prussia there were resident Scottish
communities who, not surprisingly, employed their own Scots
language for administrative purposes. In each country Scots
was also recognised as a medium of worship; in the Dutch evidence
it is implied but in Prussia it is explicit. It was natural
then that Scots should find its way into the diplomatic realm
through its explicit provision by the Elector of Brandenburg
and in its recognition by Dutchmen who had contact with the
court of James VI. However, it is in contacts with the Scandinavian
kingdoms that the use of Scots in matters of state is most
evident.
Scandinavia
a) Denmark
James Sørensen (also called Charisius, d.1651), a native
of Copenhagen, matriculated from St Salvator's College St
Andrews in 1606, was magister of the University of Copenhagen
in 1619, lector of Bergen 1619, and Parson of Fane 1621. Presumably
Sørensen communicated through the medium of Latin at
St Andrews but evidently thought about learning more Scots
though ' His brother-in-law Prof. Johannes Stephanius dissuaded
him in 1607 from learning Scots and French.' It is quite fascinating
now, in light of the present status of Scots, that it was
regarded, at that time, as simply another language comparable
with French. (Riis: 1988: 287-8)
Scots was also used as a diplomatic language by the Scottish
servants of the Danish Crown. Take for example Andrew (Anders)
Sinclair, Danish ambassador to London, who was born in Scotland
but was a Danish subject. On 12 May 1610 he wrote to Lord
Salisbury in Scots. (PRO: 165) On 16 August 1610 he wrote
to Salisbury in Scots again, regarding king Christian IV of
Denmark-Norway: "..forder, his hines prayes zour L. to get
zour L. Does vrett to him yt zou wald tak ye time as to vrett
to his hines in Latin becas he can not ride Engles, and I
am not alwayes at court withe his Majesty." (Ibid: 181) The
spelling Engles probably represents the Danish pronunciation
(Engelsk), and it should not be forgotten that Inglis,
as an umbrella term, could mean either Scots or English. In
a report to the Scottish regent Morton in 1577/8, from Sir
Andrew Keith in Sweden, it was stated that a letter by Morton
to Sir Andrew was shown to king John III ' quhilk his Majestie
onderstuid weill, becaus his Majestie can speik and onderstand
guid Inglis'. Clearly, in this context, Inglis can
only be taken to mean the Scottish idiom. (RPC: 1880 :344)
It is also clear that as long as Sinclair was king Christian's
ambassador to London then his non-Latin correspondence would
continue to be in Scots rather than the idiom of England.
And this is an important point; the use of Scots in such situations
was not an institutional convention but depended on individual
Scots who were in the right place.
It appears to have been the practice of the Danish Chancellery
to commission certain skilled individuals to translate foreign
correspondence, and, in this respect, Scots was certainly
specified; on 17 May, 1639 one Jacob Gronnevald, burgess in
Helsingor, was given commission to translate all English,
Scottish and Irish letters arriving in the Sound. The Chancellry
is specific that these are different languages-disse Spro
-and, on this occasion, commission arose out of complaints
by Scottish and English captains whose letters were being
incorrectly translated by the existing translator. (Marquard:
1944: 781)
b) Norway
Scots traders settled across Scandinavia in the early modern
period but Norway, just across the sea, was a particular destination.
For example there are records of Scottish merchants receiving
burgess tickets; in 1618 Jacob Anderson of Friselbroch
(Fraserburgh) was made burgess of Bergen as was Joen Michelssen
of Fridtzel I Skotteland (Fraserburgh in Scotland)
in 1626. In 1627 Thomas Joenssen of Enster Skotte (Anstruther,
Scotland) was also made burgess of Bergen. (Nicolaysen: 1878:
32-3, 46-7) There are also records of the Norwegian-born families
of these Scottish settlers who continued to speak Scots. One
authority cites Karen Mowat, a daughter of Andrew Mowat, who
was born in Norway c.1600 and lived in Bergen. It is stated
that she spoke Scots and could write it better than she could
Norwegian:
Karen. Hun blev som følge av slegtens skotske familieforbindelser
opdraget like meget i skotske som norske forhold. Hun hadde
hat en skotske guvernante og skal efter sigende ha skrevet
bedre skotsk end norsk, likesom hun var meget kyndig i italiensk
og fransk.
(Bergens: 1930: 92-3)
Another example of Scots being spoken in Norway/Denmark by
the family of settlers is to be found in the diary of Robert
Monroe, and refers to Daniel Sinclair a shipbuilder: 'His
Majesty [Christian IV] every yeare hath some [ships] builded
by his owne master builder, a worthy gentleman begotten of
Scots ancestors, called Mr Sinclaire, who speaks the Scottish
tongue, and is very courteous to all his countrymen which
come thither." Sinclair had been raised in Norway and this
meeting took place in Laaland in Denmark. (MacKay: 1885:)
The most obvious explanation for Scandinavian-born 'Scots'
speaking the language must be the numbers of Scottish settlers
whom they were in contact with and the links back to Scotland
itself. Examples of such immigrant communities are unremarkable
in history but, so far as Scotland is concerned, little research
at all has been conducted into the maintenance of Scots-speaking
abroad.4
c) Sweden
An early (and well known) example of the Scots writing in
a foreign country is the publication of The Richt Way To
The Kingdome of Hevine by John Gau (d.1553), who was a
graduate of St Andrews and a Scottish reformer. Gau fled to
Sweden and his work was printed at Malmö in 1533. This work
is in Scots (translated from Danish) and Gau states it is
intended that 'al quhilk onderstandis the Scotis tung ma haiff
with thayme and reid and wss it dailie...' (Bann: 1855: 349)
Gau was subsequently prebendary of Our Lady Church, Copenhagen.
(Donaldson: 1888:82) Perhaps one day some scholar will undertake
a comparitive study of the Scots writings of John Gau and
Ninian Winzet and the influences of foreign environments upon
their work.
There are several references which demonstrate that Scots
was employed as a diplomatic tongue between Scotland and Sweden
during the 17th century. The policies of king Gustav Adolph
(1611-32), his daughter Christina (1632-54) and their successors
ensured a large Scottish diplomatic and mercenary presence
in Swedish territories during this time. There are several
references from the letters of the Scottish diplomat James
Spens which mention language. On 3 August 1614 he wrote to
the Swedish chancellor Axel Oxenstiernia and apologised for
writing in his own language but added the letter was accompanied
by a Scottish relative to explain it in detail. (Sv.Ra.: Anglica:
vol 5) Spens wrote to Oxenstiernia on 13 December 1623 from
Hamburg and was specific about his native language ' I have
written to your lordship at length in Scots about everything
to date which has befallen me on my journey; I could find
no one here whose assistance I could venture to employ to
write it in Latin...' (ibid.) There are further references
to the Scots language and Spens's employment of it for his
diplomatic correspondence. For example he wrote to Oxenstiernia
on 15 December 1625 in the Scots script accompanied by a short
Latin covernote '...attamen omna generaliter ad sandersomum
nostra vulgari lingua, do.v. commumtanda seripisi, si sandersomus
absens fuerit do.v. Scoto quidam cui fidem adhiberi potes
ad perleyendum det' (ibid.)
On 3 April 1624 Spence enquired of the Swedish chancellor
in Latin 'I wish to know for sure if my letters have been
received, some of them addressed to the king, some to your
lordship and others to count Johan Skytte. The first was written
in Scottish [ Scotico sermone] to your Lordship from
Hamburg on 13 December'. (ibid.) Spens was obviously concerned
about his correspondence getting through to Oxenstiernia and
wrote on 'Ye 8 of Januar 1625/6 The hestie going away of the
berar hes maid me to be bold to wreitt in my owne languadge...I
dav not wreitt as I wold becaus ye many letteris ar intercepted
be the Dunkirkers [...] the news hier ar yt the king and qwein
beis coronet the 2n off Februar, ye parliament sall sit doune
the 6 of ye sam mounthe [...]' These letters afford a fascinating
glimpse of a Scotsman using his native language for diplomatic
matters in another country.
The use of Scots was not only confined to Scotsmen. No less
a person than Chancellor Oxenstiernia himself made use of
the language. In 1644 Oxenstiernia wrote a letter to the chancellor
of Scotland in a language which is best described as an anglicised
Scots. For example, he wrote 'this long tyme begand' which
makes no sense in English but does when read as the Scots
this lang tyme bygane. In addition he used Scots spelling
conventions, and we find Scots sic, qlk, sall,
lift, be, hes and yitt rather than
English such, which, shall, collect, by, has and yet. ( Loudoun:
1/1) Oxenstiernia's writing in this language can only be explained
in terms of the Scottish influence at the Swedish court in
this period and his familiarity with Scottish diplomats.
The fact that Scots were present in Sweden using their own
language for official correspondence was not lost on the Swedes
who make passing references to the language. In the Minutes
of the Swedish Riksråd (Royal Council) for 20 July 1653
a stenographer or scribe of the council recorded that Colonel
Hugh Hamilton (born in Ireland of Scottish parents) had a
discussion with Robert Buchan and 'Hammeton tahlte Hånom
till på Schottsche..' This record is doubly interesting
because the discussion took place in the Royal Council itself,
and, not only that, the Swedes understood it to be Scots and
not English.5 (Bergh:
1920: 425) Some provision was also made by the Swedish authorities
for translating the languages so that we find one William
Guthrie appointed interpreter for the English and Scots languages
by the magistrates of Stockholm on 7th July 1680. He is described
as a Notarius Publicus and a minister in Scotland.
(Fischer: 1907: 266) We may compare this with the provisions
already noted for translating Scottish correspondence in Denmark
in 1639 (see above).
Southern Europe
Records from, or relating to, southern Europe are less specific
and far less numerous, but one or two are worth noting. From
the beginning of our period we have the now famous report
by Don Pedro de Ayala in 1498 who was present at the court
of James IV as ambassador from Castile and Aragon. Don Pedro
remarked of James IV 'His own Scotch language is as different
from English as Aragonese from Castilian.' In this case Don
Pedro is comparing Scots and English with Catalan and Castillian
(Spanish), which should indicate the differences between the
two, as he saw it. (Bergenroth: 1862:169)
On the occasion that Scottish Bishop Andrew Forman (early
16th century) was made a papal legate he prepared a meal for
the pope and cardinals of the day ' bot hapnit out in goode
Scottis in this maner, the quhilk they understud not, sayand,
'The dewill gif [tak] zow all fallis cairllis, in nomine patris
et fili spiritus sancti...thairfor he gaif thame all to the
Devill in goode Scottis..'. This story was related by the
historian Lindsay of Pitscottie who implies that the none
of the cardinals in Rome understood a word of Scots which
should come as no great surprise. (MacKay: 1899: 249) This
story takes on more importance in light of the reference from
the report by the ambassador to Venice (October 1532 ) that
a Scottish noble, John Scot, has come to Venice from Rome
and '...has with him a Scot, who can speak nothing but Scotch,
and no one understood him.' It is not clear whether this refers
to Gaelic or Scots but considering the Pitscottie story, Scots
cannot be ruled out. (Brown: 1871: 356) In a further report,
this time by Daniel Barbaro, on his legation to England (delivered
to the Senate of Venice in 1551) he refers to the languages
of the inhabitants of Scotland: 'They use two dialects, that
of the civilized ( i domestici), which differs but
little from the English; the other of the uncivilized (
i selvaggi), being quite different.' Barbaro ws writing
from England, from the point of view of the English, and,
indeed, compared with Gaelic, Scots was certainly close to
English. But he makes a distinction all the same, as most
English of the time appear to have done. (Brown: 1873: 359)
Finally, a Venetian report from 1567 mentions the revolt of
the Confederate Lords against queen Mary who, in battle, carried
a banner '...and the banner is encircled by a motto saying,
in the Scottish tongue, "I hope to see vengeance done for
my father', that is, for the murder of Lord Darnley. (Brown:
1890: 398) These Scottish references written by Italians were
as asides to English affairs and probably represent what the
Venetians heard from Englishmen.
CONCLUSION
During the 16th and 17th centuries Scots was the state language
of Scotland and so it is unremarkable that its speakers should
have employed the language in relations with other countries.
On their part, the host countries often demonstrated an awareness
that Scots was a distinct language and they were willing to
extend privileges based on that recognition, for example,
the right to worship in Scots or to appoint interpreters.
Evidence is much fuller for northern Europe, though, in this
case, I have been lucky in having access to recent research
from Scandinavia.6
In some cases, such as the Spens-Oxenstierna correspondence,we
see in some detail Scots as a language of diplomacy. But this
often depended on the individuals involved and the familiarity
of foreign courts with certain Scots merchants or ambassadors.
A great deal of research needs to be carried out in foreign
(including English and Irish) archives in order to see this
process at work in more detail and to identify specific Scots
communities outside Scotland. Only then can we begin to answer
such questions as; in which situations was Scots employed
or not employed and to whom, and in which conditions did a
Scots-speaking community maintain itself abroad? I have also
dwelt on the core issue of Scots as a language with an identity
distinct from the language of England; we can never have enough
examples of foreign perceptions of the language to further
rebut the assumption that after James VI assumed the English
throne the Germanic language of Scotland suddenly ceased to
be acceptable as a medium for the above practices. What is
clear from this small selection is that wherever the 'lowland'
Scots went their native language followed.
- See Bald (1928) for examples
of references to sixteenth century Scots speech, many from
an English point of view. McClure (1982, reprinted in McClure
1995) draws attention to some of the weaknesses in Bald's
argument. [back]
- I an indebted to J. Derrick
McClure of the Department of English, Aberdeen University,
for alerting me to the existence of this valuable reference.
The book is principally a phrase book consisting of Italian
and English vocabulary. The reference to Scots occurs in chapter
13. [back]
- [The Huguenot poet Du Bartas
had made a translation of James's Lepanto into French.]
[back]
- A considerable amount of
research has been done on Gaelic in Canada and the USA, but
the concept of Scots-speaking communities abroad has received
little attention. Exceptions to this are: 'Scotland's Three
Tongues in Australia: Colonial Hamilton in the 1860s and 1870s',
Kerry Caldwell and Cliff Cumming in Scottish Studies: The
Journal of the School of Scottish Studies, University of Edinburgh,
Vol. 31 1992-93; the Edinburgh History of the Scots Language,
ed. C. Jones, Edinburgh 1977, also contains a chapter on Scots
in Australia; 'Gaelic influenced Scots in pre-revolutionary
Maryland', Robert McColl Millar in Language Contact across
the North Atlantic, P. Sture Ureland and Iain Clarkson
(eds) Tübingen, 1996. [back]
- It is woth noting here that
a transcript of a letter by Hugh Hamilton, dated January 1661/2,
is described as 'in bad English' by the translator on p. 186
of Calendar of State Papers Ireland 1660-1662, P. Pentland
Mahaffy (ed.), London, 1905. It is quite possible the original
letter had been mistranscribed due to ignorance of the Scots
language on the part of the Irish (or English?) transcriber.
[back]
- I am indepted to my friend
Dr Steve Murdoch whose research in Norway, Sweden and Denmark
provided most of the Scandinavian references used in this
article. [back]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Algeo, John (ed.) 1993. Problems in The
Origins and Development of the English Language. New York
(Harcourt, Brace and World)
Bald, Marjorie A.; 1928. 'Contemporary references to the Scottish
speech of the sixteenth century', Scottish Historical Review
25, 163-79.
Bergenroth, G.A. (ed.) 1862. Calendar of Dispatches, and
State Papers Relating to the Negotiations between England
and Spain vol. 1 1485-1509. London.
Bergens Historiske Forening Skrifter, A.M. Wiesener,
'Axel Movat og Hans Slegt', in Utgivne av Bergens Historiske
Forening Nr. 36, Bergen 1930
Bergh, S., 1920 Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll,
Vol. I 1485-1509. London
Boyd w.M.K. (ed.), 1936 Calendar of State Papers Relating
to Scotland and Mary Queen of Scots 1547-1603, Vol. X.
Edinburgh.
Brown, Rawdon (ed.), 1871. Calendae of State Papers Venetian
Vol.4. London.
--------- 1873. Calendae of State Papers Venetian Vol.5.
London.
--------- 1890. Calendae of State Papers Venetian Vol.7.
London.
Cameron, Annie I (ed.), 1931. The Warrender Papers,
Vol.I, Edinburgh.
Craigie, James (ed.), 1955. The Poems of King James VI
of Scotland, Vol.1, Scottish Text Society Third Series
22. Edinburgh and London.
Crawford, Donald (ed.), 1900. Journals of Sir John lauder
Lord Fountainhall with His Observations on Public Affairs
and Other memoranda 1665-1676, Edinburgh.
Davidson, John and Alexander Gray, 1909. The Scottish Staple
at Veer; A study in the Economic History of Scotland.
London.
Donaldson, Gordon and Robert S Morpeth, 1988. A Dictionary
of Scottish History. Edinburgh.
Ferguson, James (ed.), 1899. Papers Illustrating the History
of the Scots Brigade in the Service of the United Netherlands
1572-1782, Vol. I 1572-1782. Edinburgh.
Fischer, Th A. 1902. The Scots in Germany: Being A Contribution
Towards The History of the Scots Abroad. Edinburgh.
--------- 1903. The Scots in Eastern and Western Prussia.
Edinburgh.
--------- 1907. The Scots in Sweden. London.
Florio His Firste Fruites: A Perfect Introduction to the
Italian and English Tongues. Imprinted by Thomas Dawson
for Thomas Woodcocke, at London, 1578.
Forbes Leith W. (ed.), 1915. Pre-Reformation Scholars in
Scotland in the XVIth Century: Their Writings and Their Public
Services With a Bibliography and a list of Graduates from
1500 to 1560. Glasgow.
Galloway Bruce R and Brian P. Levech (eds), 1985. The Jacobean
Union Six Tracts of 1604. Edinburgh.
Historical manuscripts Commission Report on the Manuscripts
of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, London, 1904
Jones, Charles (ed.), 1997. The Edinburgh History of the
Scots Language. Edinburgh (EUP).
Loudoun and Rowallan Deeds, Dumfries House. Loudoun
Deeds Bundle 1/1, Letter 26 March, 1644, Cham'r of Suedens
l're to the Chan. of Scotland.
McClure, J. Derrick, 1982. 'Scottis, Inglis Suddroun: Language
lables and language attitudes'. In Lyall, R. and F.J. Riddy,
eds, Proceedings of the Third International Conference
on Scottish Language and Literature (Medieval and Renaissance),
University of Stirling 2-7 July 1981. Stirling and
Glasgow: Stirling and Glasgow Universities 1982. 52-69.
--------- 1995. Scots and its Literature. Amsterdam
(Benjamins).
Mackay, A.E.J.G. (ed.), 1899. The Historie and Cronicles
of Scotland From the Slauchter of King James the First to
the Ane Thousande fyve hundreith thrie scoir fytein zeir,
Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie, Vol. I, Edinburgh and London.
MacKay, J. 1885. An Old Scots Brigade. Edinburgh.
Marquard E. (ed.), 1944. Kancelliets Brevboger, vedrorender
Danmarks indre forhold, 1637-1639. Copenhagen.
Millar, A. (ed.) 1898. The Compt Buik of David Wedderburne
Merchant of Dunde 1587-1630. Edinburgh.
Nicolaysen, N., 1878. Bergens Borgerbog 1550-1751.
Kristiania.
Paton, Henry (ed.), 1930. Historical Manuscripts Commission
Supplementary report on the Manuscripts of the Earl of Mar
and Kellie. London.
Public Record Office (London), SP75/4 f. 165 &
SP75/4 f. 181.
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, Vol I. Edinburgh,
1877.
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, Vol II.
Edinburgh, 1880.
iis, T. 1988. Should Auld Aquaintance be Forgot; Scottish-Danish
Relations c.1450-1707, Vol. II. Odense.
Scott, Walter, D. Laing and T. Thomson (eds), 1855. The
Bannatyne Miscellany, Vol. III. Edinburgh (Bannatyne Club).
Scottish History Society Publications Vol XVII, 1894. Charles
II and Scotland in 1650.
Simpson, Grant G.
Spalding Club. 1844. A Brief Narration of the Services
Done to Three Noble Ladyes by Gilbert Blackhal Priest of the
Scots Mission in France, in the Low Countries and Scotland
MDCXXI-MDCXLIX. Aberdeen.
Swedish Riksarkivet Stockholm, Anglica, Vol, 5, OS.
Thomson Tracts Reel 92 E597 (10), British Museum.
University of Aberdeen
[ Ither
Airticles ]
|
